John Armstrong | NZ Herald | 29 Nov 2014
Popularity counts for a lot but the worm can quickly turn.
This past week has surely been the most difficult and ultimately demeaning one in the otherwise stellar political career of one John Phillip Key.
As yet, there is nothing tangible to suggest the Prime Minister’s reputation has suffered damage where it really matters – in Voterland – despite the disturbing contents of the report of the rapidly completed, but extremely thorough inquiry conducted by Cheryl Gwyn, the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security, which details the shocking abuse of power by Key’s office in the lead-up to the 2011 general election.
The subsequent fibs, half-truths, memory blanks and – worst of all – the misleading of Parliament on the Prime Minister’s part in the wake of the report’s release has so far not seen the electoral ground that Key has so successfully occupied for so long shifting from under him.
Key has been his own worst enemy in seeming to be in denial of Gwyn’s confirmation of the dirty tricks operation run out of his office and first exposed by Nicky Hager in his book Dirty Politics.
The Prime Minister’s week of absolute, undiluted hell reached its climax in the mind-boggling revelation that he remained in seemingly cordial contact with the very person who has been a root cause of the aggravation he is now enduring – Whale Oil blogger Cameron Slater.
In conversing with Slater – the second most-despised figure in New Zealand politics after Kim Dotcom – Key has compromised his assurance that he had no knowledge of the dirty tricks operation.
The timing of their text conversation – the day before the release of Gwyn’s report – was equally foolish in further compromising that assurance.
Key then topped that by misleading Parliament by not fessing up to his text conversation when specifically asked whether there had been any such contact.
Such reckless and consequently self-incriminating behaviour left most observers and voters completely gob-smacked. So gob-smacked that the torrent of criticism raining down on Key went into temporary abeyance.
When it came to trashing his credibility, Key seemed to be doing enough on his own without assistance from outside.
But the absence – so far – of any public backlash against the Prime Minister bar those who already detest him is a source of of intense frustration for Opposition parties. And more so the more Key’s memory lapses impede on serious matters of state.
What began with a failure to recall whether he was for or against the 1981 Springbok Tour was followed by forgetfulness over how many Tranz Rail shares he owned.
Then there was the inability to remember how he voted on the drinking age, along with the sudden case of amnesia surrounding the identity of the passengers who flew to New Zealand aboard a mystery CIA jet.
Things started to get even more worrying when Key confessed to being unsure if and when he was briefed on Dotcom by the Government Communications Security Bureau.
They got even more dodgy when Key professed he could not remember whether he had phoned the brother of an old school pal urging him to apply to become the director of the GCSB.
This week’s lapse, which resulted in Key having to come down to the House to correct the record, was too much for Winston Peters to swallow.
He asked the salient question of how many more times could someone who was supposed to be the smartest guy that has ever run the country, but who had been caught fair and square telling a porkie, claim to have suffered a “brain-fade” and get away with it?
Take Key’s attempted hiding of his conversation with Slater. Key insists he was not specific about that contact when asked because he wanted to make sure his reply was accurate.
That simply does not wash. Key knew full well he would be asked when he had last had contact with Slater because he had been asked the very same question several weeks ago when Opposition MPs started probing Key in Parliament on the revelations contained in Hager’s book regarding the smear campaign run by Slater and Jason Ede, one of Key’s senior advisers.
That created a splash because Key ducked his opponents’ questions through the ruse of saying his contact with Slater had been in his capacity as leader of the National Party rather than Prime Minister. The distinction meant Key was not obliged to detail his discussions with Slater to the House because he was not accountable to Parliament in his capacity as party leader.
Key cannot similarly ignore Gwyn’s report because it falls within the bounds of ministerial responsibility. Despite the huge coverage that has ensued, the wider public has remained spectacularly underwhelmed by it all, however.
Political journalists can have enormous fun exposing the large holes in Key’s denials. The editorial writers can thunder in fulsome unity. Peters, Labour and the Greens can demand further inquiries and resignations only to be stymied by public inertia. That is why Labour has adopted a more moderate stance.
It is calling for an apology from Key rather than his resignation because it thinks the first option is far more realistic than the second – the preference of the Greens.
Labour’s view is that it is extremely difficult to get voters wound up by what Slater and Ede were doing despite it being despicable and very, very wrong,
Key is not going to resign. Calling on him to do so only ends up sounding shrill.
Were he and National on the end of some really bad showings in the opinion polls it would be a very different matter.
Take the example of Jenny Shipley when she was prime minister. She was unpopular and became even more so when she was badly caught out by denials about what was discussed at a dinner with entrepreneur Kevin Roberts.
Shipley made a complete hash of her handling of the affair which only succeeded in confirming voters’ negative impression of her.
Key’s popularity may conversely make him think he can take liberties that she could not. But the worm can turn. And sometimes before a politician even realises it. Key would be wise to assume he is not exempt.
‘ I texted Cameron Slater and he agrees with me’ – The secret diary of … John Key
Steve Braunias | NZ Herald | 29 Nov 2014
MONDAY
It’s not Monday. I’ve looked into it, and fully examined the situation, and I think the majority of New Zealanders will agree with me that today’s not Monday.
Yes, it’s the start of the week. Yes, it’s the day after Sunday. But I think what we should be focusing on is that Phil Goff broke an embargo yesterday by leaking the news that today might be Monday.
He was wrong to do that and my understanding is that he should be jailed for a very long time, as should Labour leader Andrew Little. I don’t like the way he’s talking to me. No one talks to me like that. I’m the Prime Minister, 24/7, including Mondays, which today isn’t.
I texted Cameron Slater to check and he agrees with me.
Yesterday I misunderstood the question when I was asked what day it was.
I should have said Monday but as usual the media were up to their old tricks, and twisted my words. What I’d said to them was, “At the end of the day it’s not Monday.” Which is correct, because at the stroke of midnight or just after, it’s Tuesday.
In any event I couldn’t hear myself think what with the racket going on in an office down the corridor. It sounded like a mentally unstable person had got hold of a gun.
In fact it was Judith Collins using her Magnum .44 for target practice, so no harm done. I passed on a note to ask her to please stop shooting and a note came back from her saying that I wouldn’t hear any more gunfire. And I haven’t heard so much as a peep. She’s good like that. Honourable.
Meanwhile, more ridiculous questions in the House today, and more shouting from Andrew Little. This can’t go on. He needs taking down a peg or two. I wish I knew someone who could get some dirt on him, but unfortunately I don’t have any contact with Cameron Slater.
WEDNESDAY
Andrew Little shouts at me, “Cut the crap!”
Well, he’ll never get anywhere with coarse language like that, and I think it’s revealing that he didn’t actually propose what kind of cutting instrument would do the trick. Typical Labour. They forever play fast and loose with the finer details, and the public see right through them.
Little will never know what it’s like to be Prime Minister. I patiently explained to him that I receive thousands of texts every day and can’t possibly be expected to remember if some of them are from Cameron Slater. Sometimes he texts and sometimes I reply but I’m fundamentally not in contact with him because sometimes he doesn’t text. And I only ever reply when it’s important.
THURSDAY
Cameron texts, “Yo howzit dawg.”
I reply, “All good. Sup?”
He texts, “Plot to kill meHeard a floorboard creakFollowed to the dairyBought a packet of wine gums.”
I reply, “Save me the red ones!”
He texts, “Too late. Soz! Oh no spilled coffee on my shirt. Better put it in the wash.”
I reply, “Hopefully it will all come out in time.”
FRIDAY
What a week! It didn’t help that I slept badly. I kept waking up to find I was lying in a painful, twisted heap.
The pain was so bad last night that I got up and went to the office.
It was about 3am and the lights were out.
I heard footsteps in the corridor, and then a strange sort of whispering noise, and a window smashed right behind me.
I switched on the lights and saw Judith Collins crouching on the ground, wearing a balaclava and holding her Magnum.
I said, “I thought I told you no more shooting!”
She said, “And I told you that I’d be quiet.”
She unscrewed the silencer. There was a strange glint in her eye.
